Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 73

Chapter 73: Chapter 73, Cash-Strapped Hungary

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Leopold sneered and asked, “So that’s it. Then for what reason have we been summoned here today? Could it be merely to listen to a speech?

I admit that Mr. Kossuth’s speech just now was brilliant, but we have all grown tired of such speeches. Why not try a different approach?”

Kossuth’s expression was gloomily terrifying. He couldn’t exactly say, ‘Before, we worried that you were unreliable and could turn traitor at any moment. Now that the Austrian Government has seized your lands, we are all in the same boat.’

Such matters are best understood tacitly. If the truth were fully acknowledged, how could we continue to coexist?

Nobility might seem to have suffered a great loss and be greatly weakened, but do not assume they are like tigers fallen to the plains that can be bullied by dogs; their actual power remains undiminished.”

“Your Grace, enough!”

“The Austrian Empire has already raised the butcher’s knife, and what we need now is unity. If you wish to trace responsibilities, I can resign.

My lords, if any of you deems yourself capable of leading the Hungarian Republic out of this predicament, I am willing to relinquish the presidency to someone more able to take on the role!”

In a fit of anger, Kossuth bluffed his resignation. Everyone present changed color; being the president of the Hungarian Republic was not an enviable task at this time, and at least Duke Leopold was not interested.

Everyone knew that the presidency of the Hungarian Republic was a tough job.

Historically, after the Austrian Government decided to suppress by force, the Hungarian Government was dissolved, and then the Revolutionary Party, led by Kossuth, took power.

Under the butterfly effect of Franz, the situation faced by the current Hungarian Republic was even worse, and no one wanted to be the sacrificial lamb, which is why Kossuth became the leader.

Due to low support, Kossuth’s prestige within the government was not high, and many nobles did not take him seriously.

What appeared to be a childish fit of pique, was it not also a form of Kossuth’s resistance?

No matter how many faults Kossuth had, or how na’IVe his political views may be, he was the founder of the Hungarian nationality.

Sensing the tide turning against him, another noble representative, Marquis Roki, stood up and shifted the topic.

“Alright, let’s not dwell on the past. The pressing issue now is to think about how to deal with the current situation. Let everyone decide whether we go to war or seek peace!”

The struggle between war and peace was undeniable; Kossuth and his Revolutionaries were the War Party, mainly made up of idealists and young university students, while the feeble nobility and capitalists were the Peace Party.

Kossuth, with a face ashen with rage, said, “Is there even a need to consider? The Vienna Government is currently moving to dismember Hungary. Even if we come to an agreement with Austria, Hungary would be left with less than thirty-five percent of its territory and less than forty percent of its population.

Such a Hungary, if subsumed under Austria, could not even maintain its current status. Are we supposed to just watch idly as the Austrians exploit us every day?”

Kossuth also knew he had been too näive before. Due to the opposition of the nobility, the land issue was not resolved, and due to the opposition of the emerging capitalists, the national issue was not addressed.

Indeed, the terrible national policy of the Hungarian Republic came about because the nascent bourgeoisie feared competition.

Even though at present, whether Croatians, Romanians, or Slovaks, none have the ability to compete.

However, once they have obtained equal political rights, competition would soon arise. The Hungarian Republic was too small to accommodate so much competition; they had to suppress their rivals beforehand.

This point had already been proven in the Austrian Empire, because of the political advantages, almost the entire industry was controlled by Germans, and Hungarian capitalists had also survived by relying on tariffs and local protectionism.

Now it was their turn to take charge, and naturally they would follow suit. After all, no capitalist could resist such temptation, and they even took more extreme measures.

Under the influence of interests, extreme nationalism became the mainstream ideology in Hungary, causing great dissatisfaction among other minorities within the country. After the Vienna Government extended an olive branch, everyone decisively switched sides.

Kossuth’s words awakened the emerging bourgeoisie; for their own interests and safety, they had no choice but to support going to war with the Austrians. Only by winning could they obtain everything they desired.

Even though the possibility of victory was slim, they had already boarded the ship. The Vienna Government might turn a blind eye to the nobility, but there was no reason to show mercy to the capitalists.

Through ancient and modern times, at home and abroad, the belief that “no merchant is not crafty” had deeply rooted itself in people’s hearts. Killing corrupt merchants was definitely politically correct.

Regrettably, as the earliest capitalists, they were as dark as could be; they were real-life examples of unscrupulous capitalists from the history books, eliminating them would not only yield a fortune but also win over public sentiment.

“Mr. Kossuth, now Hungary is surrounded by enemies on all sides. How shall we fight this war?” Marquis Roki asked with concern

There was no doubt that Marquis Roki had asked this question deliberately. As a great noble of Hungary, Marquis Roki was not afraid of a reckoning by the Vienna Government.

As long as the Habsburg Family still controlled the power in Austria, it was impossible for them to lay hands on the great nobility; having many relatives was advantageous.

Not under pressure for survival, the great nobility had different considerations compared to the capitalists; their main objective was damage control.

Having said that, Marquis Roki opened a map that had already been prepared.

On the map, Hungary was sandwiched between the major nations of Russia,

the Ottoman Empire, and the Austrian Empire, with its location clearly marked.

Without a doubt, Hungary was surrounded by enemies. Russia-Austria were allies, and the Tsarist Government had openly declared its support for Austria and Prussia in suppressing the revolution; they were enemies if not outright adversaries.

They couldn’t possibly turn to their good neighbors, the Ottoman Empire, for help, could they? If they were to fight side by side with the Ottomans, it was likely they’d start fighting amongst themselves before the Austrians would have to come.

“We are currently the underdogs, but our enemies also have weaknesses. The Austrian Government is still at war with the Italian countries, and this presents us with an opportunity,” Kossuth put forward a plan he considered reasonable

Indeed, theoretically, this was an opportunity, a simple military strategy to defeat in detail.

However, Duke Leopold shook his head and sighed, “Mr. Kossuth, this lacks the feasibility for success in the military aspect. The enemy is not foolish; they won’t permit us so much time to defeat them one by one.”

Kossuth smiled, “Your Grace, as long as we have enough troops to hold off the enemies from other directions, that will suffice.

Austria is very powerful but also very fragile. Just one victory for us could trigger a chain reaction, and the climax of the revolution would erupt once again!”

Everyone understood, Kossuth had gone through such great lengths to circle back to the same point—he was still after money!